Is Fatah crumbling?:
Ha'aretz report on PA corruption
February 27, 2004
In
order to retain that youthful look, Yasser Arafat reportedly enjoys
eating yogurt and taking naps every afternoon. But even such a regimen
will do little to help in the trials ahead. “Yasser Arafat’s
revolutionary movement…is crumbling around him,” argues
Ha’aretz in the below report. The proximate cause is that years
of graft and corruption -- combined with autocratic and ineffective
rule -- have finally caught up with top Fatah leaders.
Fatah – Arafat’s revolutionary organization – was
formed as an armed militia in 1959, with the express purpose of liberating
Palestine using the Algeria independence struggle as a model. Fatah
began border raids in 1965 – notice, before Israel took control
of the West Bank or Gaza Strip – and the first Fatah “martyr”
was actually killed by Jordanian border guards. Angered by the non-support
of Arab governments, Fatah set out to instigate a second Arab-Israeli
war. This was met with outrage by Arab governments, leading to the
following outrageous fact: Egypt initially denounced Fatah as a Western-Zionist
plot to provide Israel with a pretext to attack Arab states (for those
interested, most of the above is from Anton LaGuardia’s book;
he is a British journalist).
Since the 1993 Oslo Accords, the U.S. has given offered around $1.3
billion in economic assistance to the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Arab
states transfer now about $55 million monthly, and the EU sends $9
million monthly. If the PA has received $5.5 billion, and it rules
over 3 million Palestinians, my calculations come out to $1,833 per
person. By comparison, the Marshall Plan provided $272 per European
in today's dollars. Where has all this money gone?
Well, remember that fifty-ton shipment of weapons purchases from
Iran in January 2002? That’s part of the problem. And next time
you see a picture of the Palestinian Authority headquarters in Ramallah,
take a careful look at the types of cars parked out in front. Land
Rovers? Mercedes-Benzes? Generous gifts from leading European automakers,
perhaps? See this CBS
report that documents how Arafat has become a billionaire. In
fact, Arafat made Forbes’ list of world
billionaires, under the heading of “Kings, Queens and Despots.”
This is nothing special, however: the Palestinian Authority behaves
in the same way as all authoritarian systems, which are, by definition,
non-accountable and non-transparent. They take money that they are
entrusted with and squirrel it away in Caribbean and Swiss bank accounts.
Top Fatah leaders live in mansions, drive luxury cars, and send their
families to Europe. They offer cronies lucrative business deals, like
ownership in profitable businesses or juicy contracts, all as part
of larger patronage networks.
Suha Arafat, Yasir’s wife, has been living in Paris for years
– reportedly, she occupies an entire floor at the lovely Bristol
Hotel, and receives a disbursement of $100,000 monthly, courtesy of
the PA, to support her shopping habit. It is in Paris that she also
has been known to regale those who will listen about the carcinogenic
gases Israeli soldiers deploy against Palestinian civilians. At present,
she is under
investigation by the Bank of France, which is trying to figure
out what nine million euros in EU aid meant for impoverished Palestinians
is doing in a personal bank account.
The Palestinian public is well aware of the shameless corruption
of PA officials, and polls reveal widespread frustration with it.
This is part of the reason why Hamas – and fundamentalists groups
across Islamic lands – have become popular: they criticize the
barefaced corruption of the ruling elites, while presenting themselves
as an honest alternative that doesn’t steal and provides limited
social and health services. On February 7, three hundred and fifty-six
members of Fatah collectively resigned from the movement, citing autocracy
and endless corruption.
Corruption is one of the world’s leading impediments to growth
and development. It always accompanies clientele networks, cronyism
and nepotism, and resulting in the inefficient allocation of wealth
– taking money that was, say, intended to educate the youth,
collect trash, fund courts, equip hospitals – and instead sinking
it into silly investments or transferred into hidden bank accounts.
Salam Fayad, the PA Finance Minister with a degree from the University
of Texas, bravely undertook to expose this pervasive corruption, but
it is too entrenched and he was unsuccessful.
The Palestinian economy, contrary to what some may believe, actually
flourished under occupation. According the World Bank, in 1999 the
Palestinian per capita income was amongst the very highest of Arab
states; double that of Syria and four times that of Yemen. This was
due to integration with the Israeli economy – the region’s
richest. This has largely come to an end with the Second Intifada,
where border closures cannot allow the 30% of the Palestinian work
force that did so in Israel.
As a related point, continuous economic decline is a dangerous phenomenon
for dictatorships like the PA, while it is not for democracies like
Israel. Non-democratic regimes derive their legitimacy from their
performance – if they maintain order, provide minimal development,
win wars, and so on – people can tolerate them in lieu of representation.
But when they fail even in this, making the lives of those they rule
worse and worse, they break the informal social contract, which calls
their legitimacy into question. This doesn’t happen in Israel
because the prospect of throwing out unpopular leaders through elections
is always on the horizon. Sometimes leads to violence, and Hamas and
Fatah militiamen have had gun battles in the streets of the West Ban
on occasion. Mahmoud Abbas – the first Palestinian prime minister,
now replaced – spoke on occasion of civil war.
Read "Background:
Graft, cement and Arafat's crumbling empire, " by Bradley
Burstonon, in Ha'aretz.